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Russian, Ukrainian and China girls for you in Kuala Lumpur Escort

Room not for the client

Room not for the client

I exit the toilet and ask, ‘Can you show me your room?’

She unlocks and opens the door of one room, giving me a view inside. ‘If you can, please recommend a few clients to me. Tell them my room’s very clean. And I’m very friendly.’

Hot stuffy air seeps from the room. A queen-sized mattress without any bedsheet is lying on the linoleum floor. ‘I spread towels on the mattress when servicing clients, I use bedsheet only when I sleep.’ One wall is plastered with posters of local male pop singers, and from a hanger dangle red, black, and blue G-strings and a lacy brassiere. A plywood closet, a chair, a dressing table crammed with makeup products, and a 12-inch TV atop a metal stand make up the furnishings. Several toilet-paper rolls are stacked atop the closet.

We climb down the stairs and proceed to a roadside hawker stall with tables in a covered five-foot way. She sits straight, crosses her legs and places her handbag on her lap. Two other tables are taken up by shemales.

‘Tell me about your childhood,’ I say. To the Mamak waiter I say, ‘Mee rebus and teh tarik.’

‘Mee rebus and Pepsi,’ she orders. With her hands clasped together, she rests her elbows on the table. ‘I’m from Raub but I’ve stayed in Singapore and Penang before. My childhood’s the same as other mak nyah. Cerita lama lah (Old story). I was interested in make-up, panties, brassieres, corsets, stockings and dolls even at an early age. My elder sister’s clothes fascinated me and, when she was not around, I often rummaged through her wardrobe to try on her dresses. One day, my father caught me, and he thrashed me. He said if I ever did such a thing again, he would disown me. At that time, I didn’t know how to explain my feelings to him or my family.

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China escort girls in Kuala Lumpur

China escort girls in Kuala Lumpur

Countless street walkers from China and other parts of Asia ply their trade on Jalan Bukit Bintang throughout the day and night. When the sun is up a few dozen women can usually be found standing in front of the hotels and marts on the north side of the street between Jalan Pudu and Jalan Sultan Ismail.

When the sun goes down many more women come out in the same area though they tend to cover both sides of the street. There are also quite a few ladyboys around at this time. The women stand on the sidewalks and wait for guys to approach them or give them "the look."

Few will approach men who walk through at full speed and look uninterested but a handful can be slightly aggressive at times. A short romp can go for as little as 50 Ringgit though most women ask for more.

Some guys love karaoke rooms or KTVS. I’m not one of them. A do know of a few in the city where extras may be available from the hostesses if the vibe and money is right. One is Bintang Palace at 1 Jalan Walter Grenier. Another is Emico on the 2nd Floor of 149 Lorong Loke Yew. I’m sure there are many more around.

Last but not least are the low cost brothels around town that are apparently set up to service those with very little cash to spend and shopping mall food courts where some women from mainland China look for clients. I don’t have much information on either. The former are tucked out of the way and among the least hygienic places of this sort to be found anywhere and the latter seem to require Chinese language skills to navigate.

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James and Pinky Girl Holiday Massage

James and Pinky Girl Holiday Massage

According to James, when a massage girl starts working in a massage centre, she is allocated a number and a new "working name" (a name only for her customers), for instance, she will be called Mei Li and given the number 18. This is purely for commercial reasons and "personal branding" for the customers to remember her name or alternatively her number.

James said that some men prefer to try out different massage girls each time they go for a Special, while others choose the same girl, either due to familiarity or emotional attachment. It is not uncommon for customers who become emotionally attached to a massage girl to date her outside her official working hours or keep her as a mistress.

It it not difficult to find these Urut Batin centres in downtown KL. I was walking along Jalan Bukit Bintang in KL and I saw a neon sign above one of the shoplots which said "Pretty Girl Massage Kuala Lumpur" - no prizes for guessing what services they offer. Another one just opposite the road says, "Pinky Girl Holiday Massage".

Although James and Pinky Girl Holiday Massage offering the Special massage are found in some hotels in Kuala Lumpur, these massage centres also florish in suburbs like Ampang, Subang, Old Klang Road, Puchong, Cheras, Bandar Tun Razak, Kepong, Sri Petaling, Damansara Perdana, Pandan Indah and certain areas of Petaling Jaya.

James adds that a massage girl who offers the Special massage together with sexual intercourse is nomally called a 'package service' girl - the local slang for "full service".

Health centres located in more upmarket areas in Kuala Lumpur like Bangsar, Taman Tun Dr. Ismail, Taman Desa and Sri Hartamas concentrate on therapeutic massages and attract both men and women.

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Escort service customers in Kuala Lumpur

Escort service customers in Kuala Lumpur

In the corner of a five-foot way, a dark-skinned man is peddling aphrodisiacs and other sex paraphernalia from his James Bond attache case – opened and laid atop an iron X-stand. Displayed are imitation Viagra, novelty condoms, French ticklers, premature-ejaculation rings, long-endurance lotions and Tongkat Ali (eurycoma longifilia) pills.

Several stalls are starting to close, and the throng is thinning. I start my amble to a bar at Lorong Haji Taib 2. Earlier, while walking from the carpark, I saw its neon sign that says ‘Diamond Musical Hall.’ Dozens of transsexuals are hanging around the five-foot ways on both sides, and a few perform a variety of daring tactics to lure customers. The strong-willed resist; the weak-willed crumble like sandcastles.

A fair-skinned transsexual, somewhat plump, leans her back against a wall, and bends one knee to rest her foot on it. Her knee-length dress is pulled back to expose her whole leg, thigh and all. It resembles a pig’s trotter. Probably in her mid-twenties, another shemale with breasts like Solo papayas, puts her clenched fist to her lips, and shamelessly moves it back and forth. ‘Mari, bang, enam puluh, bang [Come, Brother, sixty, Brother.],’ she says to passers-by. Moments later, my eyes bulge in their sockets when a brown-skinned shemale lifts her Manchester United jersey to momentarily expose a solid breast to a passing white-haired grandpa. Unable to fight the temptation, he follows her upstairs without preamble. The traffic of cars, motorcycles and pedestrians on the one-way street is continual as onlookers and potential customers come to gawp at the third sex.

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Social escort in Kuala Lumpur from Thailand girl

Social escort in Kuala Lumpur from Thailand girl

‘Apart from that social escort website, how do you get customers?’ I chew on a curried cuttlefish.

‘Go to discos, dance clubs, bars, and hang around.’ The occasional clinking of cutlery against porcelain punctuates the air. ‘Your family’s aware of your work?’

‘More than a year ago, I was arrested and jailed for three months. That’s when they knew. On the day I was released, I went home to a sumptuous lunch cooked by my mother. I thought they were happy to see me. Imagine my shock, when my father told me after lunch to pack up my clothes and leave the house.’

‘How many clients do you get every week?’ Coco starts to de-shell a prawn with her fingers. ‘Ten to fifteen.’

‘That means you earn’ – I pause to make a quick mental calculation – ‘about four to six thousand a month. What’s the secret of your success?’

‘Magic!’ She laughs, disclosing a red throat and countless teeth.

‘What kind of magic?’ A sense of uneasiness hatches in my innards.

‘Nam man prai! Have you heard of it?’ She licks her fingers and wipes them with a piece of Kleenex tissue.

‘Oh, Thai black magic?’ I gulp a mouthful of plain water from a tulip glass.

‘Yes, it’s a love potion. Whoever wears it attracts the opposite sex, have lots of customers.’

‘Where did you get it?’ Spicy smells fill the air as a waiter refills the curry pot on the buffet table.

‘Hatyai. From a Thai bomoh.’

‘How do you use nam man prai?’ I wipe my lips with a napkin.

‘I just carry it with me when I’m working. For more powerful effect, I anoint it on a prospective client. And he won’t be able to resist me.’

‘Can I see it?’...

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Goodbye Kuala Lumpur

Goodbye Kuala Lumpur

She doles out high GFE to him: long foreplay, deep French kissing, romps in soapy water in the long bathtub, after-sex cuddling and the use of endearments such as ai ren (darling) and qing ren (dearest). Jimmy’s ego balloons. He has a new ravishing girlfriend and he feels like he’s twenty-five again. Soon, more visits to Xiaoling appear on his schedule. The pre- or after-sex dinners begin, followed by outings around the city, shopping sprees and movies. At the end of her visa, she bids goodbye to him in a text message and promises to return.

Two months later, Jimmy receives a call on his cell phone. ‘Ai ren (beloved), my visa has been renewed. I’ll be flying in day after tomorrow. Can you pick me from the airport?’ Desire surges in his innards when he hears her mellifluous voice.

In the airport, Jimmy surveys the crowd in the arrival hall to make sure there’s no one who knows him or his wife. Xiaoling appears wearing a knee-length skirt and jacket and pumps. Smiling, he takes her arm, falls in step with her, and quickly whisks her to the carpark, and soon they are cruising out of KLIA, heading to her new serviced apartment in Imbi Road. When they get there, they fornicate like long-lost lovers.

The first favour she requests from Jimmy is to redeem her jewellery from a pawn shop. Her bookings were few during her debut stint three months ago; therefore, she pawned her gold bracelet and pendant to service the monthly re-payment of a loan she took from a moneylender. The loan covered her airfare and deposit for condominium rental, and the moneylender hitherto harassed her parents because of late payments.

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China girl from Guangzhou

China girl from Guangzhou

I place the recorder on the glass table and switch it on. She smoothens the plain skirt under her as she sinks down into a cushioned chair. ‘No, no recording, please. Just write notes.’ A whiff of citrus pervades the living room and, directly across us, ASTRO’s Mandarin radio channel is playing softly.

I put away the MP4 player and take out a memorandum pad. She leans her legs sideways and crosses them at the ankles. Her backless polka dot halter-neck reveals a svelte – but not thin – figure. A beam of golden light pouring in through the glass balcony door sets aglow the russet tints in her peroxide brown hair.

My posture is upright, knees closed and feet together, note pad on my lap. ‘Can you tell me your background? Where you’re from? How did you enter this profession?’

‘I’m from Guangzhou. I’m a Snake, twenty-three years old this year.’ Her voice sounds like a guzheng (Chinese plucked zither), and her eyes are small and dark-brown but are compensated by full lips.

Zhao Mi says that in 2010, she was an assembly-line worker in a remote-control toy factory, earning 1,200 yuan a month.

In her memory, while going to a bus-stand shelter, she sees a notice posted on the gate of an electronics factory. It says applicants are invited to attend open interviews. The next day, when she is walking out the factory after her interview, a woman in her thirties approaches her.

‘Ni hao, (How are you?),’ says the woman, strolling to her side. ‘Went for interview?’ Her eyes are big and black, her eyebrows thick.

‘Yes.’ Zhao looks left and right to cross the road, chocked with bicycles and motorcycles.

My name is Jiang. This factory used to be my workplace. I’m running a toy store now. I was waiting for a friend, but she called, said she needs to stay back.’ Carrying her rotund body on stout legs, she walks beside Zhao Mi.

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Good SPA in Kuala Lumpur

Good SPA in Kuala Lumpur

Zhao entertains several more clients subsequently. On one occasion, the sponge ends up deep inside her, and she has to visit a doctor to get it removed. The doctor tells her the animal blood increases the risk of getting infection as something has been added to prevent it from clotting. Though earning additional income, Zhao feels uneasy, as her customers do not use condoms. Then a friend called Siqin Lu whom she has not seen for a long time phones her, and they meet in a park.

‘I worked in a spa in Kuala Lumpur,’ Siqin says. ‘Have earned lots of money.’ The chill of the morning air envelopes her, and she zips up her sweater. ‘I’ve collected many clients’ phone numbers. I’m taking a short rest now. But I’ll renew my visa and go again. I’m going to work independently. You want to come? We can share an apartment.’ She and Zhao are strolling along a paved walkway,

‘For each client, how much do we charge?’

‘Around one hundred and fifty, Malaysian money. Almost three hundred yuan.’

They skirt several rows of elderly women doing a line dance.

‘I’ve a boyfriend in Kuala Lumpur. He’ll arrange things for me. Once we’re there, we buy new SIM cards. I’ll send text messages to my contacts and business can start. We’ll ask them to recommend other clients to us. It’ll be wonderful if you get a boyfriend there. He’ll take care of you, buy you presents, take you shopping.’ She beams and puts one hand around Zhao’s shoulders. ‘Don’t go with a worrisome heart. I’m certain you‘ll enjoy working there. Malaysian men are easy to control. If they’re rich, and they’re not stingy.’

Two months later, Zhao and Siqin fly to Kuala Lumpur. A tall man, not more than late twenties, with darkish complexion, picks them at the airport. Within a week, Zhao gets several clients, one of whom books her for two days.

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Special escort services in Kuala Lumpur

Special escort services in Kuala Lumpur

Next day, Leo parks outside a double-storey terrace house in Ampang and calls Rianti. Earlier, she agreed to his time of arrival, the price and the services. He gets out from his car and waits at the gate.

A petite, cocoa-coloured girl opens the grille door of the house, slides open the glass door and walks to the gate to unlock it. Rianti has big, vivacious eyes and a full-fleshed figure about to burst out of her top. She grins and two large dimples appear in her round cheeks. She offers her hand to Leo, who grasps it like a toddler holding to his mummy’s fingers.

Rianti takes him to her room on the first floor. A passageway separates it from the other bedrooms, which are locked. The session starts with a massage and ends in copulation. With towels wrapped around their waists, they pad down the stairs. Just as they are about to enter the bathroom in the dining area, Rianti hears clanking at the front grille door. She peeks from the entryway of the dining room.

‘It’s my boss’s brother, the swine!’ she gasps. ‘Quick! Go out the back door and hide.’

Rianti scuttles to the kitchen and opens the back door, and Leo bolts out to the small backyard where laundry is drying. He pinches a pair of over-sized trousers and a shirt, and climbs over the wire-netting fence into the backlane. It is gated at both ends. He puts on the damp clothes and squats under a papaya tree a short distance away.

More than an hour passes before Rianti swings open the back door to let him in, and he returns to her room to dress up.

‘I didn’t know my boss passed a set of keys to his brother,’ she explains. ‘He just came to pick up some files for his brother’s office.’

‘What took him so long?’

‘He suspected something. Your car was a giveaway. To keep his mouth shut, I gave him special service in my room.’

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Asian girls in Kuala Lumpur Malaysia

Asian girls in Kuala Lumpur Malaysia

A young Myanmar national closes the secret door and slumps back on his chair. ‘Where are we?’ Charles asks.

‘Adjacent shoplot.’ She leads him to a room, switches on the air-conditioner, and a frigid blast of air chills his skin. Charles sits on the mattress on the floor, his back propped up against the wall by pillows. Mirrors are fitted on the ceiling and one wall. Enter the therapist with a plastic basket containing her accroutrements. She exchanges niceties with Charles and introduces herself as Mongmong, hailing from Anhui, China.

She accompanies him to the bathroom to wash his feet. The water heater isn’t working but Charles doesn’t mind and he returns to lie on the mattress. Mongmong sits with legs crossed and puts a folded tower under one of Charles’s feet. She starts by using the thumb and forefinger to press the underside of his toes.

‘Ouch!’ Charles grimaces. ‘Not so hard.’

After squeezing his toes, she forms a fist and drives the middle knuckle into the soles of his feet, twisting at the same time. ‘Now, it’s painful. Later you’ll enjoy pleasure.’

‘Enough, enough,’ Charles says, after only fifteen minutes.

The therapist strips and leads Charles to frolic under the icy shower. After drying off, they get in the reverse missionary position. She arches her back, raises her hands and legs and straightens them.

‘Spin me!’ she says. ‘Push... Push...’

With both hands, Charles turns her body in a circular motion. ‘Hiiiiiiiiiiiiyaaah!’ She builds the rotating momentum by pushing herself against the mattress.

‘Yaaaaaaaaaaaah!’ Charles yelps in pleasure, his face is like that of a boy enjoying a carousel ride.

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Beer massage or Love massage in KL

Beer massage or Love massage in KL

She takes out a can of Bir Bintang and shakes it vigorously. Then she pops it open. The froth starts shooting out, and she aims it at Fei Chai’s body. Looking at his face and smiling, she uses her body to massage his pleasure zones, rubbing his ribs, inner thighs; her hands straying over his arms and shoulders; her fingertips, throat and face tracing the outline of his ears and neck.

Cathy smiles. ‘Now, you want love massage?’

Fei Chai enthuses like a boy in a candy store for the first time. ‘Want! Want!’

‘Love massage costs hundred ringgit.’

‘What?’ He frowns. ‘Need to pay again?’

‘Beer massage is only massage. Love massage is sex.’

Fei Chai agrees. Cathy takes a quick shower and takes out another can of Bir Bintang. She shakes the can, passes it to Fei Chai and swaps position with him.

‘Shoot on me!’ she says.

The fizz covers her breasts and streams down to her thighs. Fei Chai starts to lick the beer off her body, and they end in intercourse.

After Fei Chai told me about his experience, I do a Google search on urut batin, also called chook kan in Cantonese dialect. A daily newspaper has quoted a professor from Universiti Sains Malaysia Hospital Family Health Clinic as having said: ‘Although, there is no scientific research on the effect of massage of the private parts, messaging techniques carried out directly on the penis and testicles may damage blood vessels, the nerve system and even the skin.’

Miko Mall, serving residential areas in Bukit Jalil, is the uncrowned ‘king’ of reflexology centres. This shopping mall houses a hypermarket, a fitness gym, futsal courts, a karaoke centre, food chains, boutiques and bookshops. I park my car in the basement, and Ivan and I take the lift to the ground floor, which is taken up with stores of all kinds.

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Her life in Kuala Lumpur

Her life in Kuala Lumpur

Over the past few months, her mother’s meals became simple again, and Budiwati realized the proceeds of the sale have run out. She is aware it is her turn to go away. She nods her head. ‘Yes, I understand. I’ll do what they tell me to do. I know my life will be better in Kuala Lumpur.’

Two days later, Pak Hartono, a portly man in his fifties, goes to her house. He chats briefly with Budiwati’s mother and hands her a bulging envelope. ‘Wati, come here,’ her mother says. ‘It’s time for you to go with Pak Hartono.’

Budiwati emerges from her room with tears in her eyes and bids goodbye to her mother and younger brother. She and Pak Hartono walk to the transport terminal, and board a bus. The journey takes up a horrendous eleven hours. By the time Budiwati reaches Dumai, her back is sore. From the station, a bemo ride brings them to a stilted house in Loeboekgaoeng, a fishing village ten kilometres from Dumai. Four other girls, all in their late teens, are also in the house. They are given a simple meal of curry and rice.

The curtain of night drapes the horizon. ‘It’s time to leave,’ Pak Hartono tells the girls. Using a flashlight to illuminate a path, he leads them to a vessel moored on the mudflats. Budiwati is shocked that it is not a ferry but a small wooden fishing boat. Pak Hartono and the five girls climb on board, and huddle in the small plank cabin. The boatman does not give them any life jackets.

In the darkness of the night, the fishing boat leaves Loeboekgaoeng into the Straits of Malacca. The sea rocks the fishing boat like a cradle on several occasions, causing two of the girls to throw up. Two hours later, the boat lands on the muddy shore of a fishing village called Tanjung Sepat, where a van is waiting. Pak Hartono herds the lasses into the back of the van, and it departs for Kuala Lumpur.

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The Escort Girl Journey

The Escort Girl Journey

Ismail shuffles to his motorcycle parked outside a coffee-shop but his feet feel odd. He looks down and notices he is wearing the wrong pair of slippers because the sex worker took his by mistake.

Five evenings later, Ismail returns to the same brothel on Padang Road. Luck is with him as the same prostitute is there. The girl and Ismail exchange slippers, and he spends thirty minutes of libidinous indulgence with her.

Ismail’s lust controls his mind again after a week. He goes to Thamipillai Road to inspect the dens of iniquity, hoping to procure a newcomer. As he is drifting from one brothel to another, a dark-skinned man accosts him.

‘I’ve two part-timers. Interested?’ The man has a receding hairline, and is attired in a short-sleeved batik shirt.

Ismail stops in his tracks. ‘Where? Can I see them first?’ He and the hustler are standing on the covered walkway outside a video games arcade.

‘Go inside the convenience store at the end of this block. The two girls working there are part-timers. They need urgent money. The tall girl wearing blue tudung (head covering) is one hundred. Her name’s Hamidah. The short girl who dons a red hair band is called Siti. Her price is hundred and twenty. You’ve half an hour to play.’

‘What about room?’

‘They use Fook Loke Hotel opposite. Get a room there, you have to pay for it first. She’ll come over.’

Ismail goes into the convenience store where two girls are sitting at the counter. He browses the chocolates and biscuits on the rack near the counter, occasionally throwing glances at the two workers. The girl wearing a tudung has a long face and thin lips. The short girl is endowed with full lips and a nose with a rounded nose ridge and tip. He finds her cute.

He picks up a bar of Cadbury chocolate. While paying at the counter, he scrutinizes their name badges: ‘Hamidah’ and ‘Siti’.

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Dating in Malaysia country

Dating in Malaysia country

Malaysia is a country in Southeast Asia, located partly on a peninsula of the Asian mainland and partly on the northern third of the island of Borneo. West (peninsular) Malaysia shares a border with Thailand, is connected by a causeway and a bridge (the 'second link') to the island state of Singapore, and has coastlines on the South China Sea and the Straits of Malacca. East Malaysia (Borneo) shares land/maritime borders with Brunei, Indonesia and the Philippines.

Prostitution is illegal in Malaysia. Demand for prostitution has created a problem of people trafficking from China and other nearby countries. Sexual services, however, are widely available and laws banning prostitution remain largely unenforced.

Becoming a prostitute is nothing new in Malaysia. Many women, even those with tertiary education and permanent employment still become prostitutes. Educated women who become prostitutes are usually part-timers who want a luxurious lifestyle like owning a nice condo, an expensive car, the latest sophisticated handphones and wearing designer clothes. Aparently the demand for prostitutes in Malaysia is rather high, especially in cities like Kuala Lumpur, Penang and Ipoh.

Dating in Malaysia can be a bit tricky due to cultural differences, so your best bet is to sign up for a dating site before your trip so you can meet a few locals ahead of time. AdultFriendFinder.com, for example, lets you meet local members in Malaysia and get to know them on a personal basis before you arrive. Take advantage of features like live chat rooms and member webcams so you know who you are chatting with before arranging a face-to-face meeting. Since time in your destination may be limited, get to know each otherТs desires beforehand so when you do meet, you can skip the awkward introductions and start having some real fun.

LGBT rights are largely unrecognised in Malaysia. Though many Malaysians are generally tolerant towards, and accepting of, LGBT individuals, the government retains the colonial era penal code criminalising sodomy. Social attitudes towards the LGBT community are also shaped by Islam, the official religion in Malaysia.

Homosexuality is a crime hence gay and lesbian tourists should be self-aware and careful.

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The good service girl

The good service girl

Ah Lek asks her price in Malay language.

‘Eighty ringgit, including room.’ Her voice is as smooth as silk, which attracts him.

They enter the motel and take the lift to her room. The air-conditioner is running. A boy, around four or five, is sleeping on the bed.

Ah Lek turns away from the boy, looks at the floozie and chuckles. ‘Your son?’

‘Don’t worry about him,’ says the hooker who starts to undress. ‘Even if he wakes up, he won’t know what we’re doing.’

Ah Lek eyes the sleeping boy and strips. ‘Why don’t you let him stay at home?’

Naked, the hooker lies on the bed, an arm’s length away from her son. ‘I cannot afford a baby-sitter.’

‘Why not send him to your parents?’

‘They’ve enough problems of their own. I don’t want to trouble them.’ From under the pillow, she takes out a strip of condoms, and tears a packet off. ‘Quick, quick, before he gets up.’

After prepping Ah Lek, the hooker and he are a tangle of limbs, and she gives him a taste of her sensual skills until he moans.

Thirty winks flash past.

‘Mak (Mummy), what are you doing?’ asks the boy, who has awaken. He rubs his eyes.

The hooker wears a pinched expression but her voice is calm. ‘Don’t bother, son. Just lie down.’

‘I’m uncomfortable with your son looking at us!’ Ah Lek huffs and rolls away.

The hooker considers the situation for a moment, gets up and goes to the closet. She takes out a sky-blue blanket.

Ah Lek and she are in each other’s arms again, and she pulls the blanket over him.

‘Mummy’s playing the lion dance with a friend! Please lie down quietly.’

From under the blanket, Ah Lek laughs deep in his throat.

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Sex Workers in Kuala Lumpur

Sex Workers in Kuala Lumpur

There is a huge disparity in the earnings of a high class escort and a lower end hooker in Kuala Lumpur. A high class call girl with a regular clients would be able to earn as much as RM 2000 per night, or even more. She often also works as a Guest Relations Officer (GRO) at an exclusive karaoke lounge to solicit for clients and earn a salary with tips as well. However, life is different for hookers operating at Lorong Haji Taib or Chow Kit. They generally earn just enough for the basic living necessities. They would be lucky to earn RM50 a night. Some supplement their income working as GROs for tips in budget karaoke lounges locally called papaya farms.

Prostitutes in Malaysia not only ply their trade in nightspots and hotels but also double up as masseuse (locally referred to as massage girls) working at massage parlours, spas, salons and health centres in the city centre.

Jalan Bukit Bintang Streetwalker prostitute prices: 20-70RM for Sex session. This is about $7-25 USD. They will take you to short time hotels to have fast sex. Be aware of belongings and STD's. You can find also ladyboys from Jalan Bukit Bintang.

Street walkers in Kuala Lumpur know all the short-time hotels near by. You can go with her to the motel and rent a room for an hour or two to have sex time.

You can find streetwalkers in KL from the main red-light areas and also from Jalan Sultan Ismail, Jalan Horley and Jalan Imbi streets. There are also many prostitutes from African countries who work outside many of the bars, pubs, nightclubs and other nightspots around KL.

Street walkers also operate around Brickfields and Jalan Petaling, where clients are taken to one of the cheap Chinese short-time hotels for sexual services.

Kuala Lumpur Escort Girl View Map Book your Kuala Lumpur escort girl online over the top escort office in Kuala Lumpur which have lined for you a percentage of the prettiest of Bukit Bintang escort young ladies who are genuine hot and go ahead to offer some exceptionally expert escort service Malaysia. Please SMS only: +60124460864.

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Bars, Nightclubs and Dating places in Kuala Lumpur

Bars, Nightclubs and Dating places in Kuala Lumpur

Go-Go bars in Kuala Lumpur are not that usual or same style as in Thailand but you can still find some similarities with them. Try Beach Club Cafe.

Freelancer bars in Kuala Lumpur are kind of similar than other bars with prostitutes. In these places you still need to pay something if you want to take a girl out. Freelancers work usually by themselves without being employed by any pimps or escort agencies.

You can find many regular night clubs in Kuala Lumpur where you can try to catch freebies. You can find girls in this city with almost every different ethnicity. The most famous night club to find free sex is probably Zouk.

Dating in Kuala Lumpur can be a bit tricky due to cultural differences, so your best bet is to sign up for a dating site before your trip so you can meet a few locals ahead of time. AdultFriendFinder.com, for example, lets you meet local members in Kuala Lumpur and get to know them on a personal basis before you arrive.

Take advantage of features like live chat rooms and member webcams so you know who you are chatting with before arranging a face-to-face meeting. Since time in your destination may be limited, get to know each other’s desires beforehand so when you do meet, you can skip the awkward introductions and start having some real fun.

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Selling Sex Overseas

Selling Sex Overseas

Selling Sex Overseas begins to tackle these important questions. Primary among their aims is to better understand how global sex trafficking networks are organized (or not) and how prevalent sex trafficking is among a population of foreign women who are selling sex overseas. Their research is based on a unique set of ethnographic data collected in ten locations (eight in Asia and two in the U.S.) between December of 2006 and August 2008.

Chin and Finckenauer conducted interviews with 149 women who were engaged in prostitution across the ten study sites. They conducted another roughly two hundred interviews with sex ring operators, government officials and non-government organization stakeholders across the ten sites to understand how women became involved in commercial sex. Additionally they conducted fieldwork visiting and observing red light districts and in some cases shadowing individuals involved in the commercial sex markets being studied.

The book chronicles the experiences of women engaged in selling sex overseas. In-depth interviews covered information from the women’s background and recruitment into commercial sex, their reasons for traveling abroad and the mechanisms of the travel, and their experiences selling sex overseas, including how their work is organized and the financial operations of the commercial sex market including their expenses and debts.

Contrary to images of foreign women being forced or deceived into traveling abroad to engage in prostitution, the majority of Chinese women interviewed by Chin and Finckenauer claim they knew they would be traveling overseas to sell sex. Violence and deception were rare. Only one-third of the women they interviewed indicated any form of coercion was involved in their decision to travel overseas to sell sex or their experiences selling sex abroad. This finding stands in stark contrast to studies relying on interviews with victims identified by service providers or the police who report more abuses are more prevalent.

Importantly, they found that the proportion of women who experienced violence, deception or coercion varied across study sites. For example, while a majority of the women interviewed in Indonesia experienced coercion, none of the interviewees working in the U.S. disclosed experiencing coercion. These findings suggest caution in attempting to generalize about trafficking across different regions with varied contexts that support and facilitate foreign sex work.

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Not good pimp in Kuala Lumpur

Not good pimp in Kuala Lumpur

Ah Lek dresses up, unlatches the door and slams it open all the way. It hits the wall, producing a loud thud.

‘You bastard! You want to break the door?’

Ah Lek shoves the girl on the shoulder and starts to walk away. From behind, someone kicks him on the buttock. Ah Lek turns round and sees a lass scooting down the corridor. Another person slaps him on the back of the head. He looks behind him and glimpses a young, ugly hooker sniggering and closing the door of her room. Ah Lek tries to chase the first girl, but the pockmarked-faced pimp blocks him.

‘Go away! Go away!’ The pockmarked-faced pimp waves his hand.

Heat boils Ah Lek’s insides. He clumps down the wooden staircase and goes to the brothel next door.

The physical set up is similar and the sex workers are locals – all in the last lap of their careers. He recognizes the hustler wearing a crew-cut from his visit a week ago. ‘Are you looking for your mother?’ the pimp sneers. ‘I don’t have any new stock.’

Ah Lek proceeds to the next pleasure-house and climbs the stairs. ‘Got new girl. Room 12,’ says a bouncer with droopy cheeks sitting on a plastic stool at the stair landing. ‘Very popular and good service.’

He saunters past four rooms, all taken up by nondescript hookers with coffee-coloured complexion. At Room 12, he peeps inside to see a brown-skinned girl with a svelte figure sitting on a plastic chair. Her hair is long, and she is clad in jeans and t-shirt.

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Thanks for help Singapore

Thanks for help Singapore

Among the many individuals from the academic community who offered us their invaluable help, we are especially indebted to Yiu Kong Chu of the University of Hong Kong, Chuen-Jim Sheu of the National Taipei University, Pei-Ling Wang of Jinan University, Shu-Lung Yang of the National Chung Cheng University, Sandy Yu-Lan Yeh of the Central Police University, Narayanan Ganapathy of National Singapore University, Sheldon Zhang of San Diego State University, Mohd Kassim Noor Mohamed of Birmingham City University, and Yong Wang and Changrong Zhang of the Fuzhou Police Academy.

Many people in government and law enforcement also offered their help.

We would like to thank Mark Taylor of the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, U.S. Department of State; Kevin Shu-sing Lau, Paul Fuk-chuen Cheng, Sunny Kai-chor Lam, Man-chung Wan, and Philip Kincheung Choy of the Hong Kong Police Force; Eric K. K. Chan, K. K. Yip, and Cindy So-ying Yeung of the Immigration Department of Hong Kong; Mathew Tyson of the U.S. Consulate General in Hong Kong; Chih-Kun Chiang of the Coast Guard Administration of Taiwan; Ann Hurst, Gary Phillips, and Gary Kiernan of the U.S. Embassy in Bangkok; Mathew King and Trung Vu of the U.S. Embassy in Singapore;

Wong Choong Mann and Jason Loke Choy Seng of the Singapore Police Force; Stanley Harsha, Thomas Daniels, and Robert Barlow of the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta; Law Hong Soon of the Royal Malaysian Police; Lee Baca of the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department; Pamela Chen and Nancy Fabrizio of the U.S. Attorney’s Office, Eastern District of New York; David Stein and Tania Hedlund of the New York City Police Department; and Barbara Stolz of the U.S. Government Accountability Office.

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Human Smuggling and Trafficking

Human Smuggling and Trafficking

A little known topic just a decade or so ago, the illicit movement of people both within and across national borders has began to draw worldwide attention since then. A variety of developments account for the growth in both the size of the problem and in the attention paid to it: the collapse economic development and social inequality in China, rapid advances in global communication and travel, increasing demands for cheap labor, a growing sex industry. The list could go on and on.

These developments taken together comprise what have come to be called the "push and pull" factors driving human migration. Push factors include both societal conditions—lack of opportunity, discrimination, persecution, civil war, and the like—and personal issues such as domestic violence and divorce that push the individuals suffering them to want to migrate.

The pull factors are the opportunities—real or perceived—in developed and developing countries for jobs, freedom, safety, and so on. In most instances, the most dramatic difference between source countries and destination countries is economic opportunity. The demand for cheap labor in industrialized countries creates opportunity. With specific reference to the sex industry, countries that have lucrative commercial sex venues—brothels, massage parlors, karaoke lounges, topless bars, escort services, and so on that are tolerant toward or have legalized prostitution create a simultaneous demand and pull for commercial sex.

Would-be migrants with connections, professional skills, or education can and do pursue legitimate channels to follow their dreams. For thousands of others, however, the legitimate channels are closed off. For them, the choice is to give up their ambitions, or to seek alternative means. This is where smuggling and trafficking come in Malaysia.

Here certain facilitating factors usually work in concert with the push/pull scenario. Those facilitators include liberal or porous border policies and corruption. Greasing the palms of officials is almost always necessary to secure documents and to avoid detection, especially when smuggling is involved.

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Why women come to this job?

Why women come to this job?

We do not promise nor assume that we will lay to rest all the controversies or definitively answer all the questions related to sex trafficking. Instead, our goals are to shed light on one group of women who go overseas to engage in prostitution—in this case women from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) — and to provide a more nuanced understanding of the movement of these women and its possible relation to sex trafficking.

Our underlying assumption is that commercial sex, the transnational movement of women to overseas sex venues, and sex trafficking are linked.

In this study, we sought to explore that linkage, and to consider whether that linkage is as characterized by the U.S. government and the United Nations in their respective codifications of human trafficking. A secondary goal was to provide information to facilitate the development of better strategies and responses to cope with these phenomena.

Sex trafficking, our focus, is not the only form of human trafficking. The demand for cheap labor and their own relative socioeconomic deprivation entice migrants into many situations having nothing to do less than the locals are willing to take for the same jobs.

They receive less than minimum pay, and no benefits or job security of any kind, and thus their status is that of being in servitude, of being little more than a slave. For example, a couple in Long Island who came from India were convicted for forced labor after treating two Indonesian maids as slaves through starvation, beatings, and torture and paying them only $100 a month for working seventeen-hour days with no days off.

Sex trafficking has most if not all of these same characteristics. But in addition it raises further issues that link it more closely to our overall interests in crime and criminal justice.

Prostitution is a crime in many places. Picking potatoes, or sewing shirts, or digging holes is not. Nor have these forms of work, unlike prostitution, been historically linked with organized crime and vice. Because of the sex aspect, prostitution also poses dilemmas about consent and coercion that factory and farm work do not.

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Indian story in Kuala Lumpur

Indian story in Kuala Lumpur

Anjali from India: My family never had enough to eat. I wanted a life different from that. I met someone who promised he would find me a job in the city, but once we arrived in Bombay he left me with one of his female cousins and said that he would return very soon. He didn’t come back, and a few days later I found out that his "cousin" was actually the owner of a brothel to which I had been sold. She made me accept all the men who came to me, and when I got sick as a result, she threw me out in the street. I am seventeen years old and have no money to pay for medicine. All I wanted was a better life, and now I am dying.

These horror stories clearly present one of the slices of the truth about human trafficking. But is this the whole truth? Is it even a large part of the truth? These are questions we will address. One of the goals of our research project was to see whether the transnational movement of Chinese women for the purposes of prostitution fits the picture of sex trafficking as defined by the U.S. government and the United Nations. For the past decade, discussions of sex trafficking have been dominated by government officials, faith-based groups, feminists, and NGOs. Numerous assumptions about the phenomenon have taken hold and been taken for granted by the media, the public, academics, and policymakers. But recently, some people have begun to question some of the core assumptions and beliefs that have provided the underpinning for most of the antitrafficking policy. Our research is a further effort along this path of inquiry.

It is our belief that sound public policy, irrespective of the particular problem or issue, should be firmly grounded in the best and most accurate information available. It should, in other words, be well-informed, and not be driven simply by assumptions and beliefs. In that spirit, we will ultimately be comparing and contrasting our findings with the dominant antitrafficking paradigm’s depiction of sex trafficking to see how well the two fit, or do not fit, together.

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Escorts Web Sites

Escorts Web Sites

Some previous investigations hint at what is likely to be the conclusion. For example, relying upon a variety of information sources, Galma Jahic, a professor at Bilgi University in Istanbul, said that while it is frequently assumed that organized crime figures run the trafficking business, there is little evidence that trafficking is actually centrally and tightly organized.

The plausible counterargument is that trafficking organizations are instead loose and rather fluid networks. This will be one of the core issues we will be addressing here.

Although prostitution exists everywhere, it is not the same everywhere. Sex for sale is a much bigger business in some places than it is in others. And it is in cities with lucrative commercial sex venues that the demand for fresh sex workers can be expected to be the greatest. The cities we chose to look at fit that bill.

We included ten research sites in our project; eight in Asia and two in the United States. The eight Asian sites are Hong Kong, Macau, Taipei (Taiwan), Bangkok (Thailand), Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia), Singapore, Jakarta (Indonesia), and Shenzhen (China), and the two U.S. sites are Los Angeles and the New York City metropolitan area.

We selected these sites first because of reporting in the media, government reports, and popular books that there are large numbers of Chinese prostitutes in these locations; next, because we had visited some of these cities in 2003 and 2004 for a research project on transnational organized crime, and witnessed that many Chinese women were active in the sex sectors there; and thirdly because we happened to have good connections in these cities and were thus confident that we would be able to recruit and interview hard-to-reach subjects at each location.

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Open-ended and closed-ended questions

Open-ended and closed-ended questions

• Reasons for going to the destination country: Personal, family, and social factors surrounding the decision-making process; what was the deciding reason; did the subject know that she was going to be involved in prostitution; if not, had the subject been deceived, forced, or coerced by the recruiter?

• Social processes of moving from China to the destination country: How long did it take to leave China after an agreement was reached with the recruiter; what method was used to go to the destination country; how long did it take to travel to the destination country; what persons were involved in the process and what kinds of assistance did they provide?

• Immediately after arriving in the destination country: Who came to meet the subject in the destination country; where was the subject taken; what arrangements were made to prepare the subject to start work; how soon did the subject begin to work, what kinds of problems (if any) did she encounter during the initial period of work; was the subject being coerced?

• Prostitution: How was the subject’s work organized; what was the nature of the social organization of the subject’s sex ring or network; the subject’s work schedule and routine; how tightly was the subject controlled and by what means; who were the customers and where did the meetings take place; what was the subject’s perception of her customers; and what were the problems associated with working in the sex industry?

• Income: Amount of money owed to people for bringing the subject to the destination country; amount of time needed to repay the debt; how much did the subject charge a customer per session; how was the money shared by all the people involved; what were the fixed expenses (for the fake husband, the driver, food, lodging, etc.) for the subject; how many sessions per day on average; how much money had the subject saved so far, if any?

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Secondary data collection about prostitution

Secondary data collection about prostitution

We collected a large amount of secondary data from government officials and law enforcement authorities at the research sites, including statistics, reports, criminal indictments, and sentencing statements. We also visited the libraries of various universities in the research sites and downloaded thousands of pages of newspaper, magazine, and scholarly articles in English or Chinese.

When we visited the NGOs and social service providers in these sites, we also collected information about the history, structure, and functions of these organizations.

At the very beginning of the data collection stage, we placed an ad in a Chinese newspaper in New York City, indicating that two college professors were hiring research assistants/interviewers who were familiar with the sex industry. We were hoping that some current or former prostitutes or sex ring operators might call us for the job. Quite a few people, mostly women, did call; but once they learned how little we would pay our interviewers and interviewees, they simply chuckled and hung up the phone.

An immigration consultant in New York who had helped many Chinese prostitutes as clients had this to say about the challenge in finding prostitutes for us to interview:

I don’t think you will find any Chinese prostitute who is willing to participate in your study, even if you are willing to pay $500 for the interview. You have to understand that these women are making $300 to $500 a day. Your best chance of getting close to them is to open a massage parlor yourself. You open a store, hire them, and see how they work. There is no other way for you to approach them.

Of course, we were not ready to run a commercial sex venue in order to carry out a research project, so we took the advice of another caller, a Chinese woman who identified herself as a former massage parlor owner: "You really do not need anyone to help you to conduct the interviews or to refer prostitutes to you.

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Taiwan, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Hong Kong

Taiwan, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Hong Kong

Seventy subjects (47%) were referred to us by their employers, colleagues, or friends, and that was how we found most of our subjects in Taiwan, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Los Angeles, and Hong Kong. In Taiwan, we relied on an escort agency owner and an agent (a person who fronted the money to bring a Chinese woman to Taiwan) for referrals; likewise in Malaysia, the owner of a large escort agency made referrals. In Indonesia, we were helped by several agents and middlemen, and in Los Angeles, by two "house" owners. A street mommy in Hong Kong referred to us several women for whom she was soliciting business near a park in a tourist area.

Interviews with the women we recruited on the streets were conducted at a nearby coffee shop, restaurant, or hotel; whereas interviews with women we located at their workplaces were conducted in their own settings. For those who were referred to us, we interviewed them at a coffee shop or a hotel restaurant. In sum, 31 interviews (21%) were conducted inside our hotels (most likely to be the hotel’s coffee shop), 45 interviews (30%) in a public place outside our hotel, and the rest (49%) in the subjects’ own setting (where they saw clients). All the interviews were conducted one-on-one, without the presence of a third party.

Most of the interviews lasted for about an hour to an hour and a half. When we were in Macau interviewing women working out of the hotel lobbies, we were asked to complete the interviews in just 30 minutes, the amount of time they would spend with a customer per session. Since it was not possible to complete an interview in 30 minutes, we decided to pay for two to three sessions per interview, thereby allowing us to have 60 to 90 minutes to conduct the interviews. For certain subjects, the interviews lasted more than two hours, especially if they were not working that day, or they were in the mood to talk, or we were willing to pay them more money. As will become clear later, we are confident that the money we paid for the interviews was kept by our subjects, and was not taken away from them by their pimps, agents, or employers.

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First part of Limitation of This Study

First part of Limitation of This Study

• We have studied only sex trafficking, meaning we have excluded other forms of human trafficking such as labor trafficking and child trafficking. Consequently, our findings are only relevant to sex trafficking and cannot be generalized to other forms of human trafficking. We agree that there is a need to pay more attention to other forms of human trafficking.65

• We studied only Chinese prostitutes and the people and processes involved in the transnational movement of these Chinese women. As a result, our findings are pertinent to that population, but may not be generalizable to the experiences of women from other source countries such as Nepal, Thailand, Nigeria, or Moldova. We cannot emphasize enough that whatever our findings are, they may be applicable to one group of women only—women from the People’s Republic of China.

• Our samples of prostitutes, sex ring operators, law enforcers, and NGOs are all small because of time and resource constraints, and are also not fully representative samples. Even though we recruited women with diverse backgrounds in terms of age, marital status, and place of origin; included women from a variety of sex markets (street, massage parlors, brothels, nightclubs, etc.); and interviewed women in eight Asian and two American cities, the sample could be skewed in terms of age, marital status, earnings, and the like. Women who are younger, single, and capable of making substantially more than the average prostitute are probably underrepresented in our sample, simply because we were constrained by our budget to reach them. The sex ring operator sample is not equally distributed by research site, and the majority of the subjects in this subsample are the mommies. Certain other actors such as chickenheads (male pimps), fake husbands, and big business owners are not included because we did not have the opportunity to approach persons in these roles for a formal interview. This too limits generalizabililty.

• All the interviews with Chinese prostitutes were conducted by a male interviewer. Not having a female interviewer could be construed as a weakness because female subjects might not be as candid with a male interviewer, or be willing to tell a male interviewer about physical aspects of their engagement in commercial sex. The original plan was to hire professional female interviewers to conduct the interviews with female subjects, but after encountering many difficulties in the process (i.e., it not being easy to find a professional interviewer who speaks Mandarin, candidates wanting more money than we could pay, candidates not being flexible with the work schedule, and/or being unable or unwilling to go into sex venues to interview subjects, etc.), we abandoned that plan.

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The social organization of prostitution

The social organization of prostitution

We will provide some basic demographic information about them, such as age, education, family background, marital status, and employment history. And because a substantial number of these women were engaged in prostitution before they went overseas, we will explore how and why that came about.

This includes a discussion of what has been called "bounded rationality," as well as gender inequality and the objectification of women in China, and how these macro-factors seem to combine with microfactors to steer some Chinese women into prostitution.

We conclude chapter 3 with a discussion of life in the commercial sex business. We examine how our subjects viewed paid sex in general and their engagement in prostitution in particular. We then discuss how our subjects were coping in a foreign country, and how people in the destination countries reacted to the arrival of Chinese prostitutes.

In chapter 4, we will discuss the unique character of the commercial sex business in each of our destination countries, and examine how Chinese women penetrated or were embedded into the local sex trade. We will also take a look at the sex trade in Shenzhen, China.

At the end of the chapter, we will take a comparative look at the background characteristics of the subjects in each destination country.

We will explore the social organization of prostitution in chapter 5 by focusing on the modus operandi of various sex venues in the ten research sites.

We will categorize the sex markets into three main categories: independent, partnership, and employed. Within each main category, we will further examine the various settings where our subjects were engaged in commercial sex.

At the end of chapter 5, we will explore the curious phenomenon wherein certain of these women maintained a stable relationship with a customer by becoming a mistress, and the pros and cons in their view of having a "husband."

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Trafficked victim

Terms sex workers in China

As will be discussed later, the U.S. TVPA (Trafficking Victims Protection Act) created a two-tier definition: "severe forms of trafficking in persons," in which a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, and "sex trafficking," defined simply as the recruitment, harboring, transportation, or obtaining of a person for the purpose of a commercial sex act.

Here, when we use the term "sex trafficking", we are referring, unless otherwise specified, to "severe forms of sex trafficking" that involve force, fraud, or coercion.

Among our female subjects, there were domestic trafficking victims (who were tricked into prostitution in China). These subjects should not, however, be considered to be transnational trafficking victims, because no force, fraud, or deception was involved in their transnational movement.

This is an important distinction that bears repeating. We will categorize certain subjects as having been domestic trafficking victims, but we will not continue to view them as victims when we discuss their engagement in prostitution overseas, if they were not deceived or forced to go overseas.

The matter of determining whether a subject was a transnational trafficked victim or not will be discussed in chapter 10, when we apply various other criteria besides the presence of force, fraud, or deception (i.e., whether there was a recruiter or a facilitator in the process of the women going overseas, whether payment was involved in the transnational movement, whether there was debt bondage, whether a subject’s travel documents were withheld) to get a better picture of the reality of sex trafficking.

While this book deals mainly with the overseas experiences of Chinese women, we will not ignore their experiences back home in China.

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About

The pull factors are the opportunities—real or perceived—in developed and developing countries for jobs, freedom, safety, and so on. In most instances, the most dramatic difference between source countries and destination countries is economic opportunity. The demand for cheap labor in industrialized countries creates opportunity. With specific reference to the sex industry, countries that have lucrative commercial sex venues—brothels, massage parlors, karaoke lounges, topless bars, escort services, and so on that are tolerant toward or have legalized prostitution create a simultaneous demand and pull for commercial sex.

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